Funding chain · Pennsylvania · U.S. Senate · 2024

Where IN UNION USA's money came from — and went

← Entity pageFEC committee record ↗Backward walk over 2024-cycle receipts, 3 hops deep. To the right: Schedule E payments to vendors, the ads it ran, and the candidate those dollars were aimed at.
Total receipts traced
$6.2M
$6,150,000
Spent on this race (Schedule E)
$659K
1 vendor · 0 ads · 2 candidates targeted
Visibility of traced dollars
individuals 63%organizations 33%inferable 0%not walked 4%dark 1%
Ends in 79 individual donors, 1 FEC committees not walked, 7 aggregated remainders, 2 business / union treasuries, 2 cycles.

Flow of money into the spender, and where it went

  • you are here — IN UNION USA, the spender this page is about
  • disclosed (FEC): individual
  • disclosed (FEC): business or union treasury
  • inferable (990, lagged)
  • not walked (FEC committee, receipts outside this race's neighborhood)
  • dark wall (no disclosure)
  • other (aggregated)
  • vendor / ad (spending side)
  • placement: solid = filed or verified · dashed = inferred
  • targeting (for / against) — no money reaches the candidate
HOP 2HOP 1SPENDERPAID VENDORSTARGETEDOther contributors to SEIU COPE(SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERN…other (3 smaller sources folded, 170…$31MNEA ADVOCACY FUND,ASSOCIATIONindividual$28MCOMMUNICATIONS WORKERS OFAMERICAnon-committee organization$15MUNITED STEELWORKERS$1.8MOther contributors to NATIONALAIR TRAFFIC CONTROLL…$1.1MOther contributors toCOMMUNICATIONS WOR…$19KSEIU COPE (SERVICEEMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL U…PAC$31Mshow all its sources+NEA ADVOCACY FUNDSuper PAC$28MCOMMUNICATIONS WORKERS OFAMERICA - WORKING VOICESSuper PAC$15MUSW WORKS$1.8MNATIONAL AIR TRAFFICCONTROLLERS ASSOCI…$1.1Mshow all its sources+MICHAEL, BLOOMBERG R$500KRAILROADERS FOR PUBLICSAFETY$250KOther contributors to IN UNIONUSA (each <1% of receip…$100KIN UNION USAYOU ARE HERE · THE SPENDERSuper PAC$6.2MDELIVER STRATEGIES, LLCvendor · mail$659Kcollapse downstream−Bob Casey$330KDave McCormick$330K
Drawn: the spender, its direct sources and every node carrying at least 2% of its receipts — 4 smaller sources ($313K) folded into dashed “other” nodes; to the right, what the spender paid for and whom it targeted. Hover for the basics; click any node for its details and evidence, any edge for its evidence and its row in the table below.

Ribbon width is proportional to dollars; color is how the money is disclosed. Read left to right: sources → intermediaries → spender → vendors paid → ads ⇢ candidate targeted. Zoom with the buttons above the map or Ctrl/⌘ + scroll, drag to pan; plain scrolling still scrolls the page. Hover a node or edge for the basics. Click a node for its details, the evidence behind each link, and the page or record behind it; click an edge for its evidence and its row in the table below; + / − expands or folds what hangs off it.

Assumptions on the spending side. Vendor dollars are Schedule E payments as filed. Ad dollars are the midpoint of the range Google reports, not a filed figure. A vendor → ad edge is drawn only when a person verified it from a source naming both (solid), or the vendor was the only digital vendor the spender paid in the week before and while the ad ran (dashed, inferred). FEC does not record which buy placed which ad, so an ad with no such link hangs off the spender alone; vendors merely paid in that window are named on the ad's page as a sentence, never drawn as an edge. Targeting edges never carry money to the candidate.

Every edge, with its record — receipts, then spending

Method. Backward walk over money edges only (Schedule A receipts from individuals and organizations, committee-to-committee transfers) into IN UNION USA, 3 hop(s) deep; independent expenditures are targeting edges and never appear. The walk starts from $6,150,000 of itemized 2023–2024 receipts as loaded from FEC bulk data (unitemized receipts, loans and offsets are not edges), and every expanded committee conserves dollars: its inbound edges sum to its receipts. Inbound edges under 1% of a committee's receipts are rolled into one 'other contributors' node, which counts as disclosed except for the organization dollars inside it. Each dollar takes the visibility of where the walk stopped: named individuals (including earmarks through ActBlue/WinRed, attributed to the person) are disclosed to a person. Organizations that are not registered committees are classified from their name alone (no IRS lookup): a union or a business giving from its own treasury is disclosed to an organization — the named entity is the source, but its own funders are not walked; an LLC, trust, advocacy nonprofit (501(c)(4)-style names) or unclassifiable organization is dark, because whoever funds it is not on file with the FEC. The disclosed share is reported in total and split into the part that resolves to people and the part that stops at a named business or union. 1 committee node(s) stop with reason depth_cap: they are FEC-registered committees whose own receipts were not loaded into this race's neighborhood (or the hop or node cap was reached). The committee files donor lists with the FEC, but this walk did not read them, so its dollars are counted as 'not walked' — neither disclosed nor dark — and a dark layer behind such a committee would not show here. 2 edge(s) point at a committee already expanded elsewhere in this chain and reuse its visibility mix instead of being walked twice. Visibility shares are preliminary; no 990 lookups were performed, so nothing is marked inferable. Spending side (right of the spender): Schedule E payments to vendors are money edges; vendor → ad and spender → ad edges are placement (no dollars) and carry the evidence basis they were drawn on; edges into a candidate are targeting (for/against) and never carry money to the candidate. Ad dollars are the midpoint of the Google-reported spend range.